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農暦十一月初四。終日会議あり末席汚し晩に銅羅湾のエクセルシオールホテルの怡東軒に飰す。見る限り常連で上客多し。恐れ入る。客を北角まで送り銅羅湾に戻りバーＳに独酌。
▼NHK会長籾井某再選困難の由。
▼自民党がカジノ法案採決強行。なぜ晋三の政権がこゝまでなりふり構はず好き放題が出来てしまふのか。The Economistの“Abe ascendant - Shinzo Abe has accumulated unprecedented power”（こちら）より。
In short, Mr Abe is in a uniquely powerful position for a Japanese prime minister. How he intends to use that power remains a bit of a mystery, however. He has been much bolder, politically, about pushing his ideas on security and international relations than he has about more urgent challenges such as Japan’s shrinking population and idling economy. His labour- market and immigration reforms have been timid. He recently abandoned a plan to remove a tax credit that discourages married women from working full-time, which pushes them into insecure part-time work. It would be a shame to accumulate so much authority, only to squander it on less-than-pressing causes.
▼香港立法會で就任宣誓時に「香港独立」叫び議員資格剥奪の２議員（まだ最終審に提訴できなくもないが）に加へ事もあろうに香港政府は宣誓時に不良な言動のあつた反政府派の４議員についても議員資格剥奪を高等裁に提訴。北京の保護下でのやりたい放題があまりにナイーヴ©江沢民で稚拙そのもの。
Many people in Hong Kong say the two behaved offensively. But many are also upset by the response both of their own government and of the central one in Beijing. Legislators critical of the Communist Party’s influence in Hong Kong often use gestures or statements to undermine the impact of their mandatory oaths when being sworn in. Sometimes such antics are ignored; at other times legislators are allowed to try again. The local government gave Mr Leung and Ms Yau no second chance, turning to the High Court to get them disbarred. The central authorities, fearful that the pair’s admission to Legco might encourage the spread of pro-independence views, issued a directive through the national parliament that was clearly aimed at persuading the court to rule against them. The judge denied he had taken the instruction into account, but many lawyers saw it as a blow to the territory’s judicial independence.
The Economistの記事“Nipped in the bud - Trouble could loom for more”（こちら）より。